Home      Back to Pentecost

1 Luke xi. 10.
2 Prov. xvii. 28, lxx.
3 Is. ii. 3, lxx.
4 Phil. iii. 14.
5 i.e., confessed or denied himself a Christian. The Benedictine Editors and their followers seem to have missed the force of the original, both grammatically and historically, in referring it to the time when St. Basil is writing; h=dh e'&Agra/e\kriqh does not mean "at the present day is judged," but "ere now has been judged." And in a.d. 374 there was no persecution of Christians such as seems to be referred to, although Velens tried to crush the Catholics.
6 Matt. v. 18.
7 Ps. cxix. 85, lxx. "The lawless have described subtilties for me, but not according to thy law, O Lord;" for A.V. & R.V., "The proud have digged pits for me which are not after the y law." The word a'dolesxi/a is used in a bad sense to mean garrulity; in a good sense, keenness, subtilty. 
8 It is impossible to convey in English the precise force of the prepositions used. "With" represents 0meta/, of which the original meaning is "amid;" "together with," su/n, of which the original meaning is "at the same time as." The Latin of the Benedictine edition translates the first by "cum," and the second by "una cum." "Through" stands for dia/, which, with the genitive, is used of the instrument; "in" for e'n, "in," but also commonly used of the instrument or means. In the well known passage in 1 Cor. viii. 6, A.V. renders di0 ou\ ra/ pa/nta by "through whom are all things;" R.V., by "bywhom."
9 1 Cor. viii. 6.
10 The story as told by Theodoret (Ecc. Hist. ii. 23) is as follows: "Constantius, on his return from the west, passed some time at Constantinople" (i.e.in 360, when the synod at Constantinople was held, shortly after that of the Isaurian Seleucia, "substance" and "hypostasis" being declared inadmissible terms, and the Son pronounced like the Father according to the Scriptures). The Emperor was urged that "Eudoxuis should be convicted of blasphemy and lawlessness. Constantius however . . . replied that a decision must first be come to on matters concerning the faith, and that afterwards the case of Eudoxius should be enquired into. Basilius (of Ancyra), relying on his former intimacy, ventured boldly to object to the Emperor that he was attacking the apostolic decrees; but Constantius took this ill, and told Basilius to hold his tongue, for to you, said he, the disturbance of the churches is due. When Basilius was silenced, Eustathius (of Sebasteia) intervened and said, Since, sir, you wish a decision to be come to on what concerns the faith, consider the blasphemies uttered against the Only Begotten by Eudoxius; and, as he spoke, he produced the exposition of faith, wherein, besides many other impieties, were found the following expressions: Things that are spoken of in unlike terms are unlike in substance; there is one God the Father of Whom are all things, and one Lord Jesus Christ by Whom are all things. Now the term 'of Whom' is unlike the term 'by Whom;' so the Son is unlike God the Father. Constantius ordered this exposition of the faith to be read, and was displeased with the blasphemy which it involved. He therefore asked Eudoxius if he had drawn it up. Eudoxius instantly repudiated the authorship, and said that it was written by Aetius. Now Aetius . . . at the present time was associated with Eunomius and Eudoxius, and, as he found Eudoxius to be, like himself, a sybarite in luxury as well as a heretic in faith, he chose Antioch as the most congenial place of abode, and both he and Eunomius were fast fixtures at the couches of Eudoxius. . . . TheEmperor had been told all this, and now ordered Aetius to be brought before him. On his appearance, Constantius shewed him the document in question, and proceeded to enquire if he was the author of its language. Aetius, totally ignorant of what had taken place, and unaware of the drift of the enquiry, expected that he should win praise by confession, and owned that he was the author of the phrases in question. Then the Emperor perceived the greatness of his iniquity, and forthwith condemned him to exile and to be deported to a place in Phrygia." St. Basil accompanied Eustathius and his namesake to Constantinople on this occasion, being then only in deacon's orders. (Philost. iv. 12.) Basil of Ancyra and Eusthathius in their turn suffered banishment. Basil, the deacon, returned to the Cappadocian Caesarea. 
11 cf. the form of the Arian Creed as given by Eunomius in his 0Apologia (Minge, xxx. 840. "We believe in one God, Father Almighty, of whom are all things; and in one only begotten Son of God, God the word, our Lord Jesus Christ, through whom are all things; and I one Holy Ghost, the Comforter, in whom distribution of all grace in proportion as may be most expedient t is made to each of the Saints."
12 cf. Eunomius, Liber. Apol. § 27, where of the Son he says u\poourgoo/j.
13 On the word o!rganon, a tool, as used of the Word of God, cf. Nestorius in Marius Merc. Migne, p. 761 & Cyr. Alex. Ep. 1. Migne, x. 37. "The creature did not give birth to the uncreated, but gave birth to man, organ of Godhead." cf. Thomasius, Christ. Dog. I. 336s.
Mr. Johnston quotes Philo (de Cher. § 35; I. 162. n.) as speaking of oo/rganon de\ lo/gon Qeou= di0 ou\ kateskeua/sqh (sc. o' ko/shooj).
14 Here of course the So is meant.
15 The ambiguity of gender in e'c oou\ and di0 oou\ can only be expressed by giving the alternatives in English.
16 There are four causes or varieties of cause:
1. The essence or quiddity (Form): too\ ti/ h\n ei\nai.
2. The necessitating conditions (Matter): to\ ti/nwn o!ntwn a'na/gkh tou=t0 ei\nai.
3. The proximate mover or stimulator of change (Efficient): h 9 ti/ prw=ton e'ki/nhse.
4. That for the sake of which (Final Cause or End): to\ ti/noj e!neka. Grote's Aristotle, I. 354.
The four Aristotelian cause are thus: 1. Formal. 2. Material. 3. Efficient. 4. Final. cf. Arist. Analyt. Post. II. xi., Metaph. I. iii., and Phys. II. iii. The six causes of Basil may be referred to the four of Aristotle as follows:
Aristotle.
1. to\ ti/ h\n ei\nai.
2. to\ e'c ou[ gi/netai ti.
3. h 9 a'rxh\ th=j metabolh=j n 9 prw/th.
4. to\ ou\ e!nexa.
Basil
kaq0 o$: i.e., the form or idea according to whicha thing is made.
e'c on[: i.e., the matter out of which it is made.
n 9f0 ou[: i.e., the agent, using means.
di0 ou[:i.e. the means.
di0 o$:i.e., the end.
e\n w[, or sine qua non, applying to all.
17 prokatarktikh\. cf. Plut. 2, 1056. B.D. prokatarktikh\ aiti/a h 9 ei/marme/nh.
18 cf. Clem. Alex. Strom. viii. 9."Of causes some are principal, some preservative, some coöperative, some indispensable; e.g. of education the principal cause is the father; the preservative, the schoolmaster; the coöperative, the disposition of the pupil; the indispensable, time."
19 e'k th=j mataio/thtoj kai\ ke/h=j a'pa/thj.
cf. mataio/thj mataioth/twn, "vanity of vanities," Ecc. I. 2, lxx. In Arist. Eth. I. 2, a desire is said to be kenh\ kai\ matai/a, which goes into infinity, - everything being desired for the sake of something else, - i.e., kenh, void, like a desire for the moon, and matai/a, unpractical, like a desire for the empire of China. In the text mataio/thj seems to mean heathen philosophy, a vain delusion as distinguished from Christian philosophy.
20 a!yuxa o$rlana. A slave, according to tle, Eth. Nich. viii. 7, 6e!myuxon o!ryanon. 
21 u$lhreign =Lat. materiesn, from the same root as matter whence Eng. material and matter. (u!lh, #\l&igra/e\a, is the same word as sylva=wood. With materies cf. Maderia, from the Portuguese "madera" =timber.)
The word u@lh in Plato bears the same signification s in ordinary speech: it means wood, timber, and sometimes generally material. The later philosophic application of the word to signify the abstract conception of material substratum is expressed by Plato, so far as he has that concept at all, in other ways." Ed. Zeller. Plato and the older Academy, ii. 296. Similarly Basil uses ulh. As a technical philosophic term for abstract matter, it is first used by Aristotle.
22 1 Cor. viii. 6.
23 1 Cor. xi. 12.
24 Ex. xxv. 10, LXX. A.V. "shittim." R. V. "acacia." St. Ambrose (de Spiritu Sancto, ii. 9) seems, say the Benedictine Editor, to have here misunderstood St. Basil's argument. St. Basil is accusing the Pneumatomachi not of tracing all things to God as the material "of which," but of unduly limiting the use of the term "of which" to the Father alone.
25 Ex. xxv. 31.
26 1 Cor. xv. 47.
27 Job xxxiii, 6, LXX.
28 1 Cor. I. 30.
29 1 Cor. xi. 12.
30 1 Cor. viii. 6.
31 If Catholic Theology does not owe to St. Basil the distinction between the connotations of ou'si/a and u 9po/stasij which soon prevailed over the identification obtaining at the time of the Nicene Council, at all events his is the first and most famous assertion and defence of it. At Nicaea, in 325, to have spoken of St. Paul as "distinguishing the hypostases" would have been held impious. Some forty-five years later St. Basil writes to his brother, Gregory of Nyssa (Ep. xxxviii.), in fear lest Gregory should fall into the error of failing to distinguish between hypostasis and ousia, between person and essence. cf. Theodoret Dial. I. 7, and my note on his Ecc. Hist. I. 3.
32 Rom. xi. 36. 
33 Rom. xi. 34, and Is. xl. 13.
34 Is. xl. 12, 13.
35 Ps. xciv. 16.
36 Ps. xxxiv. 12.
37 Ps. xxiv. 3.
38 John v. 20.
39 isor\r 9opi/a.. cf. Plat. Phaed. 109, A.
40 Rom. xi. 38.
41 diamonh/. cf. Arist. De Sp. I. 1.
42 cf. Col. I. 16, 17.
43 Acts iii. 15.
44 Ps. cxlv. 15.
45 Ps. civ. 27.
46 Ps. cxlv. 16.
47 Ps. xxix. 3; Acts vii. 2.
48 Eph. iv. 15, 16.
49 Col. ii. 19.
50 Eph. I. 22.
51 John I. 16.
52 John xvi. 15
53 polu/tropoi. Cf. the cognate adverb in Heb. I. 1.
54 "e'c e'mou=." The reading in St. Luke (viii. 46) is a'p0 e'mou=. In the parallel passage, Mark v. 30, the words are, "Jesus knowing in himself that virtue had gone out of him, " e'c au'tou\ which D. inserts in Luke viii. 45. 
55 Gal. vi. 8.
56 1 John iii. 24.
57 Matt. I. 20.
58 John iii. 6.
59 1 Cor. I. 9.
60 Gal. iv. 7. A.V. reads "an heir of God through Christ;" so NCD. R.V. with the copy used by Basil agrees with A.B.
61 Rom. vi.4. It is pointed out by the Rev. C.F.H. Johnston in his edition of the De Spiritu that among quotations from the New Testament on the point in question, St. Basil has omitted Heb. ii. 10, "It became him for whom (di0 o@u) are all things and through whom (di0 ou[) are all things," "where the Father is described as being the final Cause and efficient Cause of all things."
62 Is. xxix. 15, lxx.
63 1 Cor. ii. 10.
64 2 Tim. I. 14.
65 1 Cor. xii. 8.
66 Ps. cvii. 13.
67 Ps. lxxi. 6.
68 For "shall they rejoice," Ps. lxxxix. 16.
69 Eph. iii. 9.
70 2 Thess. i. 1.
71 Rom. i. 10.
72 Rom. ii. 17.
73 According to patristic usage the word "theology" is concerned with all that relates to the divine and eternal nature of Christ, as distinguished form the oi'konomi/a, which relates to the incarnation, and consequent redemption of mankind. cf. Bishop's Lightfoot's Apostolic Fathers, Part II. Vol. ii. p. 75, and Newman's Arians, Chapter I. Section iii.
74 Gen. iv. 1, lxx. A.V. renders "she conceived and bare Cain and said," and here St. Basil has been accused of quoting from memory. But in the Greek of the lxx. the subject to ei\pen is not expressed, and a possible construction of the sentence is to refer it to Adam. In his work adv. Eunom. ii. 20, St. Basil again refers the exclamation to Adam.
75 Num. xxxvi. 5, lxx.
76 Gen. xl. I, lxx.
77 Gal. iv. 4.
78 1 Cor. xi. 12.
79 The allusion is to the Docetae. cf. Luke xxiv. 39.
80 The note of the Benedictine Editors remarks that the French theologian Fronton du Duc (Ducaeus) accuses Theodoret (on Cyril's Anath. vii.) of misquoting St. Basil as writing here "God-bearing man" instead of "God bearing flesh," a term of different signification and less open as a Nestorian interpretation. "God-bearing," qeofo/roj, was an epithet applied to mere men, as, for instance, St. Ignatius. So Clement of Alexandria, 1. Strom. p. 318, and Gregory of Nazianzus, Or. xxxvii. p. 609. St. Basil does use the expression Jesus Christ a#qrwpon Qeo/n in Hom. on Ps. xlix. 
81 fuoama.
82 cf. Rom. ix. 2.
83 Matt. v. 11.
84 u 9pota/ssw.cf. 1 Cor. xv. 27, and inf. cf. chapter xvii. u 9potetagme/noj is applied to the Son in the Macrostich or Lengthly Creed, brought by Eudoxius of Germanicia to Milan in 344. Vide Soc. ii. 19.
85 poihth\j tw=n ai'w/nwn.
86 Yet the great watchword of the Arians was h[n pote o!te ou'k h\n.
87 th= e'nnoi/a tw=n a'nqrwpwn, with the sense of "'in human thought."
88 Fa/tasi/a is the philosophic term for imagination or presentation, the mental faculty by which the object made apparent, fa/ntasma, becomes apparent, fai/netai. AAristotle, de An. III. iii. 20 defines it as "a movement of the mind generated by sensation." Fancy, which is derived from fintasi/a (fai/nw, VBHA=shine) has acquired a slightly different meaning in some usages of modern speech. 
89 Eph. iv. 10.
90 Ps. cxxxix. 7, P.B.
91 Ps. cx. 1.
92 Heb. I. 3, with the variation of "of God" for "on high."
93 I know of no better way of conveying the sense of the original skai=oosj than by thus introducing the Latin sinister, which has the double meaning of left and ill-omened. It is to the credit of the unsuperstitious character of English speaking people that while the Greek skai=ooj and a'ooiuteoo/j, the Latin sinister, and laevus, the French gauche, and the German link, all have the meaning of awkward and unlucky as well as simply on the left hand, the English left (though probably derived from lift=weak) has lost all connotation but the local one.
94 1 Cor. I. 24
95 Col. i. 15.
96 Heb I. 3.
97 John vi. 27.
98 The more obvious interpretation of e'sfa/gisen in John vi. 27, would be sealed with a mark of approval, as in the miracle just performed. cf. Bengel, "sigillo id quod genuinum est commendatur, et omne quod non genuinum est excluditur." But St. Basil explains "sealed" by "stamped with the image of His Person," an interpretation which Alfred rejects. St. Basil at the end of Chapter xxvi. of this work, calls our Lord the xarakth/r kai\ i'so/tupoj sfragi/j, i.e., "express image and seal graven to the like" of the Father. St. Athanasius (Ep. I. ad Serap. xxiii.) writes, "The seal has the form of Christ the sealer, and in this the sealed participate, being formed according to it." cf. Gal. iv. 19, and 2 Pet. I. 4.
99 John xiv. 9.
100 Mark viii. 38.
101 John v. 23.
102 John i. 14.
103 John i. 18. "Only begotten God" is here the reading of five mss. of Basil. The words are wanting in one codex. In Chapter viii. of this work St. Basil distinctly quotes Scripture as calling the Son "only begotten Good." (Chapter viii. Section 17.) But in Chapter xi. Section 27, where he has been alleged to quote John I. 18, with the reading "Only begotten SON" (e.g., Alfred), the ms. authority for his text is in favour of "Only begotten God." O<,< is the reading _. b.c. r,x, of A. On the comparative weight of the textual and patristic evidence vide Bp. Westcott in loc.
104 cf. Ps. cx. 1. 
105 John v. 23.
106 Matt. xvi. 27.
107 Acts vii. 55.
108 Rom. viii. 34.
109 Ps. cx. 1.
110 Heb. viii. 1.
111 Mr. Johnston well points out that these five testimonies are not cited fortuitously, but "in an order which carries the reader from the future second coming, through the present session at the right hand, back to the ascension in the past."
112 Baruch iii. 3, lxx.
113 The word a'delfo/thj is in the New Testament peculiar to S. Peter (1 Peter ii. 17, and v. 9); it occurs in the Epistle of St. Clement to the Corinthians, Chap. ii.
114 Filo/xristoi. The word is not common, but occurs in inscriptions. cf. Anth. Pal. I. x. 13.
o'pqh\n pi/stin e!xousa filoxri/stoio menoinh=j.
115 xorhgi/a. cf. the use of the cognate verb in 1 Pet. iv. 11. e'c i'sxu/ooj h!j xorhgei/ o' qeo/j.
116 prosagwgh/. cf. Eph. ii. 18.
117 oi'kei/wsin proo\j to\n Qeo/n. cf. oi'kei=oi tou= Qeou= in Eph. ii. 19.
118 e'/.
119 cf. Gal. I. 14.
120 The verb, e'ntri/bomai, appears to be used by St. Basil, if he wrote e'ntetrimme/nwn in the sense of to be e'ntribh/j or versed in a thing (cf. Soph. Ant. 177) - a sense not illustrated by classical usage. But the reading of the Moscow ms. (m) e'nteqramme/nwn, "trained in."" "nurtured in," is per se much more probable. The idea of the country folk preserving the good old traditions shews the change of circumstances in St. Basil's day from those of the 2d c., when the "pagani" or villagers were mostly still heathen, and the last to adopt the novelty of Christianity. cf. Pliny's Letter to Trajan (Ep. 96), "neque civitates tantum sed vicos etiam atque agros superstitionis istius contagio pervagata est." 
121 Heb. I. 1. cf. Aug. Ep. ii. ad Serap.: "The Father is Light, and the Son brightness and true light."
122 2 Cor. iv. 4.
123 Rom. i. 8.
124 Rom. i. 5.
125 Rom. v. 2.
126 Rom. i. 5.
127 Rom. v. 2.
128 cf. Eph. ii. 19.
129 Phil. ii. 9.
130 Twoo mss., those in the B. Museum and at Viena, read here Ihso/=. In Ep. 210 §4, St. Basil writes that the name above every name is au'to\ to\ kalei=sqai au'to\n Uion tou= Qeou=.
131 cf. Matt. xiv. 33, and xxvii. 54.
132 John I. 11.
133 1 Cor. I. 24, and possibly Rom. i. 16, if with D. we read gospel of Christ.
134 1 Cor. i. 24.
135 e.g. John i. 1. cf. Ps. cvii. 20; Wisdom ix. 1, xviii. 15; Ecclesiasticus xliii. 20.
136 To\ polu/tropon. cf. Heb. i. 1.
137 To\n pplou=ton th=j a'gaqoo/thtooj. cf. Rom ii. 4, toou= plou/tou th=j xrhsto/thtooj.
138 Eph. iii. 10.
139 e.g., John x. 12,
140 e.g., Matt. xxi 5.
141 e.g., Matt. ix. 12.
142 e.g., Matt. ix. 15.
143 e.g., John xiv. 6.
144 e.g., John x. 9.
145 cf. Rev. xxi. 6.
146 e.g., John vi. 21.
147 cf. Matt. ii. 10.
148 e.g., 1 Cor. x. 4.
149 I translate here the reading of the Parisian Codex called by the Benedictine Editors iRegius Secundus, too\ eu'meta/bolon katwrqwko/taaj. The harder reading, to\ eu'meta\doton, which may be rendered "have perfected their readiness to distribute," has the best manuscript authority, but it is barely intelligible; and the Benedictine Editors are quite right in calling attention to the fact that the point in question here is not the readiness of the flock to distribute (cf. 1 Tim. vi. 18), but their patient following of their Master. The Benedictine Editors boldly propose to introduce a word of no authority to\ a'meta\bolon, rendering qui per patientiam animam immutabilem praebuerunt. The reading adopted above is supported by a passage in Ep. 244, where St. Basil is speaking of the waywardness of Eustathius, and seems to fit in best with the application of the passage to the words of our Lord, "have fled for refuge to his ruling care," corresponding with "the sheep follow him, for they know his voice" (St. John x. 4), and "have mended their wayward ways," with "'a stranger will they not follow," v. 5. Mr. Johnston, in his valuable note, compares Origen's teaching on the Names of our Lord.
150 So three mss. Others repeat epiotaoi/a translated "ruling care" above. e!nnoomoj is used by Plato for "lawful" and "law-abiding." (Legg. 921 C. and Rep. 424 E.) In 1 Cor. ix. 21, A.V. renders "under the law."
151 To\ th=j gnw/sewj a'gaqo/n: possibly "the good of knowledge of him."
152 John x. 9.
153 cf. note on page 3, on meta/ and so/n. 
154 Phil. ii. 10, 11.
155 Eph. v. 29.
156 filanqrwpia occurs twice in the N.T. (Acts xxviii. 2, and Titus iii. 4) and is in the former passage rendered by A.V. "kindness," in the latter by "love to man." The filanqrwpi/a of the Maltese barbarians corresponds with the lower classical sense of kindliness and courtesy. The love of God in Christ to man introduces practically a new connotation to the word and its cognates.
157 Or to sympathize with our infirmities.
158 poikilh diako/smhsij. diako/smhsij was the technical term of the Pythagorean philosophy for the orderly arrangement of the universe (cf. Arist. Metaph. I. v. 2. h' o!lh diako/smhsij"); Pythagoras being credited with the first application of the word ko/smoj to the universe (Plut. 2, 886 c.) So mendus in Latin, whence Augustine's oxymoron, "O munde immunde!" On the scriptural use of ko/smoj and a'iw/n vide Archbp. Trench's New Testament Synonyms, p. 204.
159 I Hom. on Ps. lxv. Section 5, St. Basil describes the power of God the Word being most distinctly shewn in the oeconomy of the incarnation and His descent to the lowliness and the infirmity of the manhood. cf. Ath. on the Incarnation, sect. 54, "He was made man that we might be made God; and He manifested Himself by a body that we might receive the idea of the unseen Father; and He endured the insolence of men that we might inherit immortality. For while He Himself was in no way injured, being impassible and incorruptible and the very Word and God, men who were suffering, and for whose sakes He endured all this, He maintained and preserved in His own impassibility."
160 Rom. viii. 37.
161 u'phresi/a. Lit. "under-rowing." The cognate u'phre/thj is the word used in Acts xxvi. 16, in the words of the Saviour to St. Paul, "to make thee a minister," and in 1 Cor. iv. 1, "Let a man so account of us as of the ministers of Christ."
162 Eph. vi. 10.
163 cf. Matt. xii. 29.
164 2 Tim. ii. 21.
165 This passage is difficult to render alike from the variety of readings and the obscurity of each. I have endeavoured to represent the force of the Greek e'k th=j e'toimasi/aj tou= e'f0 h 9mi=n. understanding by "to\ e'f0 h 9mi=n," practically, "our free will." cf. the enumeration of what is e'f0 h'mi/n, within our own control, in the Enchiridion of Epicetus, Chap. I. "Within our own control are impulse, desire inclination." On Is. vi. 8, "Here am I; send me," St. Basil writes, "He did not add ''I will go;' for the acceptance of the message is within our control (e'f h 9mi=n), but to be made capable of going is of Him that gives the grace, of the enabling God." The Benedictine translation of the text is "per liberi arbitrii nostri praeparationem." But other readings are (I) th=j e'f0 h 9mi=/, "the preparation which is in our own control;;:: (ii) th=j e 9toimasi/aj au'tou=, "His preparation;" and (iii) the Syriac represented by "arbitrio suo."
166 Col. i. 12, 13.
167 cf. note on page 7.
168 prokooph/: cf. Luke ii. 52, where it is said that our Lord proe/kopte, i.e., "continued to cut His way forward."
169 1 Cor. iv. 6, R.V. marg.
170 There seems to be here a recollection, though not a quotation, of Phil. iii. 13.
171 John xiv. 6. 
172 John i. 9.
173 2 Tim. iv. 8.
174 John v. 22.
175 John xi. 25.
176 Heb. i. 3.
177 Judith ix. 5 and 6.
178 a#narnoj. This word is used in two senses by the Fathers. (I) In the sense of a'i/diooj or eternal, it is applied (a) to the Trinity in unity. e.g., Quaest. Misc., . v. 442 (Migne Ath. iv. 783), attributed to Athanasius, ko/uo\n h 9 ou'sia . koino\n to a!narxon. (b) To the Son. e.g., Greg. Naz. Orat. xxix. 490, e'a\n th\n a'po\ xro/non noh=j a'rxh\n kai\ a!naooxooj oo 9 ui/oo\j, ouk a!rxitai ga\o a'po\ oO 9 xroo/nwn despoo/thj. (ii) In the sense of a/naitioj, ""causeless," "originis principio carens," it is applied to the Father alone, and not to the Son. So Gregory of Nazianzus, in the oration quoted above, o 9 ui/o\j, e'a\n w 9j ai!tion to\n pate/ra lamba/nhj, oou'k a!/arxoj, "the Son, if you understand the Father as cause, is not without beginning." a!rxh ga\r ui/oou= parh\r w 9j a !Itioj. "For the Father, as cause, is Beginning of the Son." But, though the Son in this sense was not a!narxooj, He was said to be begotten a'na/rxwj. So Greg. Naz. (Hom. xxxvii. 590) to\ i!dion o!noma tou= a'na/rxwwj gennhqe/ntoj, nioj. Cf. the Letter of Alexander of Alexandria to Alexander of Constantinople. Theod. Ecc. Hist. i. 3. th\n a!narxon au'tw= paru\ tou= patro\j gennhsin o'nati/ qe/taj. cf. Hooker, Ecc. Pol. v. 54. "by the gift of eternal generation Christ hat received of the Father one and in number the self-same substance which the Father hath of himself unreceived from any other. For every beginning is a father unto that which cometh of it; and every offspring is a son unto that out of which it groweth. Seeing, therefore, the Father alone is originally that Deity which Christ originally is not (for Christ is God be being of God, light by issuing out of light), it followeth hereupon that whatsoever Christ hath common unto him with his heavenly Father, the same of necessity must be given him, but naturally and eternally given." So Hillary De Trin. xii. 21. Ubi auctor eternus est, ibi et nativatis aeternitas est: quia sicut nativitas ab auctore est, ita et ab aeterno auctoroe aeterna nativitas est." And Augustine De Trin. v. 15, "Naturam praestat filio SINE INITIO generatio."
179 h 9 au'toozwh/.
180 John vi. 57.
181 John v. 19.
182 John xii. 49.
183 John v. 19.
184 Heb. ii. 10. cf. Rom xi. 36, to which the reading of two manuscripts more distinctly assimilates the citation. The majority of commentators refer Heb. ii. 10, to to the Father, but Theodoret understands it of the Son, and the argument oof St. Basil necessitates the same application.
185 John xvii. 10. 
186 a'paralla/ktwj e!xei. cf. Jas. I. 17. par0 w= ou'k e!ni parallagh/. The word a'para/llaktoj was at first used by the Catholic bishops at Nicaea, as implying o 9moou/sioj. /Vide Athan. De Decretis, § 20, in Wace and Schaff's ed., p. 163.
187 1 Cor. i. 24.
188 John i. 3.
189 Col. i. 16.
190 John xii. 49.
191 John xii. 50.
192 John xiv. 24.
193 John xiv. 31.
194 John v. 20.
195 Col. ii. 3, A.V. cf. the amendment of R.V., "all the treasures of wisdom and knowledge hidden," and Bp. Lightfoot on St. Paul's use of the gnostic term a'po/krufoj.
196 John xiv. 9.
197 The argument appears to be not that Christ is not the "express image," or impress of the Father, as He is described in Heb. i. 3, or form, as in Phil. ii. 6, but that this is not the sense in which or lord's words in St. John xiv. 9, must be understood to describe "seeing the Father." Xaraktho and moooofh\ are equivalent to h 9 qei/a fu/sij, and morfh/ is used by St. Basil as it is used by St. Paul, - coinciding with, if not following, the usage of the older Greek philosophy, - to mean essential attributes which the Divine Word had before the incarnation (cf. Eustathius in Theod. Dial. II. [Wace and Schaff Ed., p. 203];; "the express image made man, " - o 9 tw= p/eu/mati swmatopoihqei\j a!nqrwpoj xarakth/r.)
The divine nature does not admit of fcombination, in the sense of confusion (cf. the protests of Theodoret in his Dialogues against the confusion of the Godhead and manhood in the Christ), with the human nature in our Lord, and remains invisible. On the word xarakth/r vide Suicer, and on moofh/ Archbp. Trench's New Testament Synonyms and Bp. Lightfoot on Philippians ii. 6.
198 Phil. ii. i.
199 Rom. viii. 32.
200 Gal. iii. 13.
201 Rom. v. 8.
202 Matt. viii. 3.
203 Mark iv. 39.
204 Matt. v. 22. etc.
205 Mark iix. 25.
206 There is a difficulty in following the argument in the foregoing quotations. F. Combefis, the French Dominican editor of Basil, would boldly interpose a "not," and read 'whenever he does not instruct us concerning the Father.' But there is no ms. authority for this violent remedy. The Benedictine Editors say all is plain if we render "postquam nos de patre erudivit." But the Greek will not admit of this. 
207 Matt. xii. 28, etc.
208 John xv. 26.
209 Ps. li. 10.
210 Ps. li. 12, lxx. R.V. and A.V., "free spirit."
211 It will be remembered that in the Nicene Creed "the Lord and Giver of life" is to\ ku/rion to\ zwopoio/n. In A.V. we have booth he (John xv. 26, e'kei=nooj) and it (Rom. viii. 16, au'to\\ to\ pneu=ma).
212 John iiv. 24.
213 cf. Wisdom i. 7.
214 Rom. xii. 6.
215 cf. Theodoret, Dial. i. p. 164, Schaff and Wace's ed. "Sine is not of nature, but of corrupt will." So the ninth article of the English Church describes it as not the nature, but the "fault and corruption of the nature, of every man." On the figure of the restored picture cf.. Ath. de Incar. § 14, and Theod. Dial. ii. p. 183.
216 cf. Ep. 236. "Our mind enlightened by the Spirit looks toward the Son, and in Him, as in an image, contemplates the Father." There seems at first sight some confusion in the text between the "royal Image" in us and Christ as the image of God; but it is in proportion as we are like Christ that we see God in Christ. It is the "pure in heart" who "'see God."
217 "Proficientes perficiuntur." Ben. Ed. 
218 Qeo\n genesqai. The thought has its most famous expression in Ath. de Incar. § 54. He was made man that we might be mad God - Qeopoihqw=men. cf. De Decretis, § 14, and other passages of Ath. Irenaeus (Adv. Haer. iv. 38 [lxxv.]) writes "non ab initio dii facti sumus, sed primo quidem homines, tunc demum dii." "Secundum enim beniguitatem suam bene dedit bonum, et similes sibi suae potestatis homines fecit;" and Origen (contra Celsum, iii. 28), "That the human nature by fellowship with the more divine might be made divine, not in Jesus only, but also in all those who with faith take up the life which Jesus taught;" and Greg. Naz. Or. xxx. § 14, "Till by the power of the incarnation he make me God."
In Basil adv. Eunom. ii. 4. we have, "They who are perfect in virtue are deemed worthy of the title of God."
cf.. 2 Pet. i. 4: "That ye might be partakers of the divine nature."
219 u'p0 au'tw=n tw=n logi/wn tou= pneu/matoj. St. Basil is as unconscious as other early Fathers of the limitation of the word lo/gia to "discourses." Vide Salmon's Int. to the N.T. Ed. iv. p. 95.
220 1 Tim. vi. 20. The intellectual championship of Basil was chiefly asserted in the vindication of the consubstantiality of the Spirit, against the Arians and Semi-Arians, of whom Euonomius and Macedonius were leaders, the latter giving his name to the party who were unsound on the third Person of the Trinity, and were Macedonians as well as Pneumatomachi. But even among the maintainers of the Nicene confession there was much less clear apprehension of the nature and work of the Spirit than of the Son. Even so late as 380, the year after St. Basil's death, Gregory of Nazianzus, Orat.xxxi de Spiritu Sancto, Cap. 5, wrote "of the wise on our side some held it to be an energy, some a creature, some God. Others, from respect, they say, to Holy Scripture, which lays down no law on the subject, neither worship nor dishonour the Holy Spirit." cf. Schaff's Hist of Christian Ch. III. Period, Sec. 128. In letter cxxv. of St. Basil will be found a summary of the heresies with which he credited the Arians, submitted to Eusthathius of Sebaste in 373, shortly before the composition of the present treatise for Amphilochius.
221 Acts v. 29.
222 Matt. xxviii. 19.
223 The word used is suna/feia, a crucial word in the controversy concerning the union of the divine and human natures in our Lord, cf. the third Anathema of Cyril against Nestorius and the use of this word, and Theodoret's counter statement (Theod. pp. 25, 27). Theodore of Mopsuestia had preferred suna/feia too e!nwsij; Andrew of Samosata saw no difference between them. Athanasius (de Sent. Dionys. § 17) employs it for the mutual relationship of the Persons in the Holy Trinity: "pookatarktiko\n ga/r e'sti th=j sunafei/aj to\ o!noma."
224 mhde/. The note of the Ben. Eds. is, "this reading, followed by Erasmus, stirs the wrath of Combefis, who would read, as is found in four mss., too/te h 9mii=n, 'then let them lay the blame on us.' But he is quite unfair to Erasmus, who has more clearly apprehended the drift of the argument. Basil brings his opponents to the dilemma that the words 'In the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Ghost' either do or do not assert a conjunction with the Father and the Son. If not, Basil ought not to be found fault with on the score of 'conjunction,' for he abides by the words of Scripture, and conjunction no more follows from his words than from those of our Lord. If they do, he cannot be found fault with for following the words of Scripture. The attentive reader will see this to be the meaning of Basil, and received reading ought to be retained."
225 Xristofo/noi. The compound occurs in Ps. Ignat ad Philad. vi.
226 1 Tim. I. 10.
227 Mr. Johnston sees here a reference to the parable of th e unjust steward, and appositely quotes Greg. Naz. Orat. xxxi, § 3, on the heretics' use of Scripture, "They find a cloak for their impiety in their affection for Scripture." The Arians at Nicaea objected to the oo\moo/usion as unscriptural. 
228 cf. Ep. cxx. 5.
229 Rom. vi. 17.
230 Rom. xiii. 11. R.V.
231 The question is whether the baptism has been solemnized, according to the divine command, in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost. St. Cyprian in his controversy with Stephen, Bp. of Rome, represented the sterner view that heretical baptism was invalid. But, with some exceptions in the East, the position ultimately prevailed that baptism with water, and in the prescribed words, by whomsoever administered, was valid. So St. Augustine, "Si evangelicus verbis in nomine Patris et Filii et Spiritus Sancti Marcion baptismum consecrabat, integrum erat Sacramentum, fquamvis ejus fides sub eisdem verbis aliud opinantis quam catholica veritas docet noo esset integra." (Cont. Petil. de unico bapt. § 3.) So the VIII. Canon of Arles (314), "De Afris, quod propria lege sua utuntur ut rebaptizent, placuit, ut, si ad ecclesiam aliquis de haeresi venerit, interrogent eum symbolum; et si perviderint eum in Patre, et Filio et Spiritu Sancto, esse baptizatum, manus ei tantum imponantur, ut accipiat spiritum sanctum. Quod si interrogatus non responderit hanc Trinitatem, baptizetur." So the VII. Canon of Constantinople (381) by which the Eunomians who only baptized with one immersion, and the Montanists, here called Phrygians, and the Sabellians, who taught the doctrine of the Fatherhood of the Son, were counted as heathen. Vide Bright's notes on the Canons of the Councils, p. 106. Socrates, v. 24, describes how the Eunomi-Eutychians baptized not in the name of the Trinity, but into the death of Christ.
232 1 Thess. i. 9.
233 Eph. I. 12.
234 The word Xeiro/grafoon, more common in Latin than in Greek, is used generally for a bond. cf. Juv. Sat. xvi. 41, "Debitoor aut sumptos pergit non reddere nummos, vana supervacui dicens chirographa ligni." On the use of the word, vide Bp. Lightfoot on Col. ii. 14. The names of the catechumens were registered, and the Renunciation and Profession of Faith (Interrogationes et Responsa; e'perwth/seij kai/ a'pokriseij) may have been signed.
235 Prov. xxiii. 29.
236 cf. Gal. v. 2.
237 cf. 1 Cor. xv. 17. 
238 1 Cor. xii. 3.
239 John i. 18. On the reading "only begotten God" cf. note on p. 9. In this passage in St. Basil "God" is the reading of three mss. at Paris, that at Moscow, that at the Bodleian, and that at Vienna. "Son" is read by Regius III., Regius I., Regius IV., and Regius V. in Paris, the three last being all of the 14th century, the one in the British Museum, and another in the Imperial Library at Vienna, which generally agrees with our own in the Museum.
240 Gal. iii. 27, R.V.
241 Rom. vi. 3, with change to 2d person.
242 cf. note on p. 17.
243 "h 9 tou= Cristou= proshgori/a . . . dhloi= to/n te Cri/sa/ta Qeo\n kai\ to\n Crisqe/nta &xxedil\i 9o\n kai\ to\ Cri/sma to\ Pneu=ma1.j
244 Acts x. 38.
245 Is. lx. 1.
246 Ps. xlv. 7.
247 No subject occurs in the original, but "Scripture" seems better than "the Apostle" of the Bened. Tr. "Videtur fecisse mentionmen," moreover, is not the Latin for fai/netai mnhuoneu/saj, but for fai/netai mnhmoneu=sai.
248 Sic.
249 1 Cor. xii. 13, loosely quoted.
250 Acts i. 5.
251 Luke iii. 16.
252 cf. Ps. ciii. 4.
253 cf. Deut. iv. 2, and Rev. xxi. 18, 19.
254 cf. note on p. 17.
255 1 Tim. v. 21. 
256 2 Tim. ii. 2.
257 Luke xii. 8, 9.
258 2 Thes. i.7.
259 Ps. l. 4.
260 Deut. iv. 26.
261 Deut. xxxii. i.
262 Isa. i. 2.
263 Jer. ii. 12, 13, lxx.
264 Gen xxxi, 47.
265 Josh. xxiv. 27, lxx.
266 1 Cor. x. 2.
267 Ex. xiv. 31, lxx.
268 skiagrafi/a, or shade-painting, is illusory scene-painting. Plato (Crit.107 c.) calls it "indistinct and deceptive." cf. Ar. Eth. Nic. i. 3, 4, pacnlw=j kai\ e'n tu/pw." The tu/poj gives the general design, not an exact anticipation.
269 Rom. v. 14.
270 1 Cor. x. 4. 
271 John vii. 37.
272 John vi. 49, 51.
273 shmei=on, as in the LXX.cf. Numb. xxi. 9 and John iii. 14.
274 1 Cor. xv. 22.
275 Rom. v. 17.
276 Hos. xiv. 9.
277 Eph. ii. 5.
278 Col. iii. 5.
279 cf. Rom. viii. 32.
280 ne/krwsij. A.V. in 2 Cor. iv. 10, "dying," Rom. iv. 19, "deadness."
281 cf. Rom. vi. 8.
282 1 Cor. xv. 49.
283 2 Cor. iv. 10.
284 Col. iii. 9, 10.
285 Ex. xiv. 31.
286 1 Tim. ii. 5.
287 Gal. iii. 19.
288 Ex. xx. 19.
289 John v. 46.
290 ai.e., to mean by "Moses," the law.
291 Luke xvi. 29. 
292 1 Cor. x. 2.
293 Heb. iii. 6.
294 cf. Ps. ciii. 5.
295 cf. Heb. v. 12.
296 cf. 1 Tim. iv. 7.
297 Rom. xi. 33.
298 1 Cor. ii. 7.
299 a'opghsi/a in Arist. Eth. iv. 5, 5, is the defect where meekness (prao/thj) is the mean. In Plutarch, who wrote a short treatise on it, it is a virtue. In Mark iii. 5, Jesus looked round on them "with anger," met0 o'rgm=j, but in Matt. xi. 29, He calls Himself pra=oj.
300 cf. 1 Cor. xi. 1.
301 Phil. iii. 10, 11.
302 Rom. vi. 4, 5.
303 A.V., "are buried." Gr,. and R.V., "were buried."
304 John iii. 3.
305 In the double course (di/auloj) the runner turned (ka/mptw) the post at the end of the stadium. So "ka/myai diau/lon qa/teron kw=lon pa/lin" in Aesch. Ag. 335, for retracing one's steps another way.
306 Col. ii. 11, 12. 
307 cf. 1 Pet. iii. 21.
308 to/ sarkiko\n foo/nhma. cf. the fro/nhma th=j sapko/j of Rom. viii. 6. cf. Articleix.
309 Ps. li. 9.
310 cf. 1 Pet. iii. 21.
311 cf. Eph. iv. 5.
312 cf. John iii. 5.
313 cf. Rom. vi. 6.
314 cf. Rom. vii. 5.
315 cf. Gal v. 25.
316 cf. Rom. vi. 22.
317 Trine immersion was the universal rule of the Catholic Church. cf. Greg. Nyss. The Great Catechism, p. 502 of this edition. So Tertull. de Cor. Mil. c iii., Aquam adituri, ibidem, sed et aliquanto prius in ecclesia, sub antistitis manu contestamur, nos renuntiare diabolo et pompae et angelis ejus. Dohinc ter megitamur. Sozomen (vi. 26) says that Eunomias was alleged to be the first to maintain that baptism ought to be performed in one immersion and to corrupt in this manner the tradition of the apostles, and Theodoret (Haeret. fab. iv. 3) describes Eunomius as abandoning the trine immersion, and also the invocation of the Trinity as baptizing into the death of Christ. Jeremy Taylor (Ductor dubitantium, iii. r, Sect. 13) says, "In England we have a custom of sprinkling, and that but once. . . . As to the number, though the Church of England hath made no law, and therefore the custom of doing it once is the more indifferent and at liberty, yet if the trine immersion be agreeable to the analogy of the mystery, and the other be not, the custom ought not to prevail, and is not to be complied with, if the case be evident or declared."
318 1 Pet. iii. 21.
319 Rom. xv. 29.
320 Matt. iii. 11.
321 1 Cor. iii. 13.
322 id.
323 On the martyrs' baptism of blood, cf. Eus. vi. 4, on the martyrdom of the Catechumen Herais. So St. Cyril, of Jerusalem (Cat. Lect. iii. 10), "If a man receive not baptism, he has not salvation; excepting only the martyrs, even who without the water receive the kingdom. For when the Saviour was ransoming the world through the cross, and was pierced in the side, He gave forth blood and water, that some in times of peace should be baptized in water; others in time of persecution, in their own blood." So Tertullian (In Valentin. ii.) of the Holy Innocents, "baptized in blood for Jesus' sake" (Keble), "testimonium Christi sanguine litavere." 
324 Tou\j logismou=j kaqairw=n. cf. 2 Cor. x. 4.
325 1 Cor. xiv. 24, 25.
326 Acts v. 9 and 4. "Thou hast not lied," said to Ananias, interpolated into the rebuke of Sapphira.
327 1 Cor. xii. 4, 5, 6.
328 1 Cor. xii. 11.
329 cf. Col. I. 16.
330 u 9posta/seij, apparently used here as the equivalent of ou'si/ai, unless the negation only extends to a'rcika/j. cf. note on p. 5.
331 Contrast the neuter to\ o!n of Pagan philosophy with the o 9 w!n or e'yw/ eimi of Christian revelation. 
332 Ps. xxxiii. 6.
333 John I. 1.
334 John xv. 26.
335 to\n stereou=nta to\ pneu=ma. It is to be noticed here that St. Basil uses the masculine and more personal form in apposition with the neuter pneu=ma, and not the neuter as in the creed of Constantinople, to\ ku/rion kai\ to\ Zwopoio\n to\ e'k tou= patro\j e'kporeuo/menon, etc. There is scriptural authority for the masculine in the "o!tan de= e!lqh e'kei=noj, to\ pneu=ma th=j a'lhqei/aj" of John xvi. 13. cf. p. 15-17.
336 Ps. xiv. 4.
337 Luke ii. 14.
338 1 Cor. xii. 3.
339 Luke I. 11.
340 "Man greatly beloved." A.V. and R.V. Dan. x. 11.
341 1 Cor. ii. 10.
342 Col. I. 16.
343 Matt. xviii. 10.
344 Is. vi. 3.
345 Ps. cxlviii. 2.
346 Dan. vii. 10.
347 cf. Job xxxviii. 7, though for first clause the lxx. reads o!te e'genh/qh a!stpa. On the Pythagorean theory of the harmony of the spheres vide Arist. De Coel. ii. 9. 1.
348 prokoph/. cf. proe/kopte of the boy Jesus in Luke ii. 52. 
349 u/po/stasij, apparently again used in its earlier identification with ou'si/a.
350 Titus ii. 13, R.V. The A.V. favours the view, opposed to that of the Greek Fathers, that "the great God" means the Father. cf. Theodoret in this edition, pp. 319 and 321 and notes.
351 John i. 33.
352 Matt. iii. 17.
353 Acts x. 38.
354 Matt. iv. 1.
355 duna/meij, rendered "wonderful works" in Matt. vii. 22; "mighty works" in Matt. xi. 20, Mark vi. 14 and Luke x. 13; and "miracles" in Acts ii. 22, xix. 11, and Gal. iii. 5.
356 Matt. xii. 28.
357 Gen. ii. 7, lxx. is e'nefu/shsen ei'j to\ pro/swpon au'tou=. "ei'j to\ poo/swpon " is thence imported into John xx. 22. Mr. C.F. H. Johnston notes, "This addition. . . is found in the Prayer at the Little Entrance in the Liturgy of St. Mark. Didymus, in his treatise on the Holy Spirit, which we have only in St. Jerome's Latin Version, twice used 'insuffians in faciem corum," §§6, 33. The text is quoted in this form by Epiphanius Adv. Haer. lxxiv. 13, and by St. Aug. De Trin. iv. 20." To these instances may be added Athan. Ep. i. § 8, and the versions of Upper and Lower Egypt, the Thebaic, known as the Sahidic, and the Memphitic, or Coptic, both ascribed to the 3rd century.
358 John xx. 22, 23.
359 1 Cor. xii. 28.
360 cf. 1 Cor. xii. 11.
361 1 Tim. vi. 15.
362 Acts xvii. 31.
363 para tw= patpi/, (=chez le Père,) with little or no change of meaning, for e'n th= oi/ki/a tou= patro/j mou. John xiv. 2.
364 1 Cor. xv. 41, 42.
365 cf. Eph. iv. 30.
366 Matt. xxv. 21.
367 Matt. xxiv. 51. 
368 Ps. vii. 5, lxx. o!tl ou'k e!stln e'n tw= qana/tw o 9 mnhmoneu/wn sou, e'/ de\ tw= a!dh ti/j e'comoloognh/setai soi; Vulg. "In inferno autem quis confitebitur tibi?"
369 Phil. iii. 14.
370 2 Cor. I. 22, v. 5.
371 1 Cor. ii. 11.
372 "The word was used as a quasi philosophical term to express the doctrine quoted by St. Basil, in § 13: it does not occur in the confession of Eunomius, which was prepared after this book, a.d. 382; but it was used by him in his Liber Apologetics (before a.d. 365) against which St. Basil wrote." Rev. C.F.H. Johnston. For "u 9pari/qmhsij" the only authorities given by the lexicons are "ecclesiastical." But the importation from the "wisdom of the world" implies use in heathen philosophy.
373 cf. 1 Cor. i. 20.
374 "This portion of the theory of general language is the subject of what is termed the doctrine of the Predicables; a set of distinctions handed down from Aristotle, and his follower Porphyry, many of which have taken a firm root in scientific, and some of them even in popular, phraseology. The predicables are a five-fold division of General Names, not grounded as usual on a difference in their meaning, that is, in the attribute which they connote, but on a difference in the kind of class which they denote. We may predicate of a thing five different varieties of class-name:
A genus of the thing (ge/noj).
A species (ei\dooj).
A differentia (diafora/).
A proprium (idio/n).
An accidens (sumbebhko/j).
It is to be remarked of these distinctions, that they express, not what the predicate is in its own meaning, but what relation it bears to the subject of which it happens on the particular occasion to be predicated." F. S. Mill, System of Logic, i. 133. 
375 Acts xvii. 21.
376 i.e. in the second book of his work against Eunomius.
377 Matt. xxviii. 19.
378 oustoixi/a, a series of similar things, as in Arist. An. Pr. ii. 21, 2. In the Pythagorean philosophy, a co-ordinate or parallel series. Arist. Met. i. 5, 6, and h. Nic. I. 6, 7.
379 cf. Wis. xi. 20. "Thou hast ordered all things In measure and number and weight."
380 The term Monarxi/a first acquired importance in patristic literature in Justin's work De monarchia, against Polytheism. Of the lost letter of Irenaeus to the Roman Presbyter Florinus, who was deposed for heresy, presumably gnostic, the title, according to Eusebius (H.E.. v. 20), was peri\ Monarxiaj, h@ pepi\ to/= mh\ ei\nai to\n qeo\n poihthn kakw=n. Later it came to be used to express not the Divine unity as opposed to Polytheism or Oriental Dualism, but the Divine unity as opposed to Tritheism. Vide the words of Dionysius of Rome, as quoted by Athan. De Decretis, § 26, "Next let me turn to those who cut in pieces, divide, and destroy that most sacred doctrine of the church of God, the divine Monarchy, making it, as it were, three powers and divided subsistences and three godheads." So St. Basil Coont. Eunom. ii. Arxh/ me/n ou\n patro\j ou'oemi/a, a'rxh\ de\ tou= uiou= o 9 path/r. And in Ep. xxxviii. 'Alla/ ti/j e'sti du/namij a'gennh/twj kai/ a'/a/rxwj u 9feotw=sa h=tij e'sti\n ai'ti/a th=j a'pa/ntwn tw=n o!ntwn ai'ti/aj, e'k ga\r tou= patro\j o 9 ui 9o\j di0 ou\ ta\ pa/nta. And in Ep. cxxv. Ena ga\r oi!damen a'ge/nnhton kai\ mi/an tw=n pa/ntwn a'rxh\n, to\n pate/pa tou= kupi/ou h 9mw=n 0Ihsou= Xristou=. On the doctrine and its exponents compare § 72 of the De Sp. S.
On the other hand "Monarchians" was a name connoting heresy when applied too those who pushed the doctrine of the Unity to an extreme, involving denial of a Trinity. Of these, among the more noteworthy were Paul of Samosata, bp. of Antioch, who was deposed in 269, a representative of thinkers who have been called dynamical monarchians, and Praxeas (supposed by some to be a nickname), who taught at Rome in the reign of Marcus Aurelius, and of whom Tertullian, the originator of the term partripassians, as applied to Monarchians, wrote "Paracletum fugavit et patrem crucifixit." This heretical Monarchianism culminated I Sabellius, the "most original, ingenious, and profound of the Monarchians." Schaff. Hist. Chr. Church, i. 293. cf. Gisseler, i. p. 127, Harnack's Monarchianismus in Herzog's Real Encyclopaedie, Vol. x. Thomasius Dog. Gesch. i. p. 179, and Fialon Et. Hist. p. 241. 
381 Matt. xxviii. 19.
382 Mr. C.F.H. Johnston quotes as instances of the application of the word "third" to the Holy Ghost; Justin Martyr (Apol. i. 13) "We honour the Spirit of prophecy in the third rank." Tertullian (In Prax. 8) "As the fruit from the tree is third from the root, and the rivulet from the river third from the source, and the flame form the ray third form the sun." Eunomius (Lib. Apol. § 25) "observing the teaching of Saints, we have learned from them that the Holy Spirit is third in dignity and order, and so have believed him to be third in nature also." On the last St. Basil (Adv. Eunom. ii.) rejoins "Perhaps the word of piety allows Him to come in rank second to the Son. . . although He is inferior to the Son in rank and dignity (that we may make the utmost possible concession) it does not reasonably follow thence that he is of a different nature." On the word "perhaps" a dispute arose at the Council of Florence, the Latins denying its genuineness.
383 Is. xliv. 6.
384 According to patristic usage qeologi/a proper is concerned with all that relates to the Divine and Eternal nature of our Lord. cf. Bp. Lightfoot. Ap Fathers, Part II. vol. ii. p. 75.
385 e 9nzome/nhn. Var. lectiones are e'nizome/hn, "seated in," and e'neikonizome/nhn, "imaged in."
386 cf. the embolismus, or intercalated prayer in the Liturgy of St. James, as cited by Mr. C.F.H. Johnston. "For of thee is the kingdom and the power and the glory, of Father, of Son, and of Holy Ghost, now and ever."
387 On the right use of the illustration of ei'kw/n, cf. Basil Ep. xxxviii., and Bp. Lightfoot's note on Col. i. 15. cf: also John i. 18 and xiv. 9, 10. 
388 2 Cor. I 12.
389 1 Cor. xi. 12. George of Laodicea applied this passage to the Son, and wrote to the Arians: "Why complain of Pope Alexander (i.r. of Alexandria) for saying that the Son is from the Father. . . . For if the apostle wrote All things are from God . . . He may be said to be from God in that sense in which all things are from God." Athan., De Syn. 17.
390 Rom. viii. 9.
391 John xvi. 14.
392 John xiv. 17.
393 1 Cor. I. 24.
394 para/klhtoj occurs five times in the N.T., and is rendered in A.V. in John xiv. 16 and 26, xv. 26 and xvi. 7, Comforter; in 1 John ii. 1 Advocate, as applied to the Son. In the text the Son, the Paraclete, is described as sending the Spirit, the Paraclete; in the second clause of the sentence it can hardly be positively determined whether the words to/= o/qen proh=lqe/ refer to the Father or to the Son. The former view is adopted by Mr. C.F.H. Johnson, the latter by the editor of Keble's Studia Sacra, p. 176. The sequence of the sentence in John xv. 26 might lead one to regard oqen proh=lqen as equivalent to para\ tou= Patro\j e'kporeu/etai. On the other hand. St. Basil's avoidance of direct citation of the verb e'kporeu/etai, his close connexion of tou= a'postei/lantoj with o$qe/ proh=lqen, and the close of the verse in St. John's gospel e'kei=noj marturh/sei peri\ e'mou\, suggest that the megalwsu\nh in St. Basil's mind may be the megalwsu/nh of the Son. At the same time, while the Western Church was in the main unanimous as to the double procession, this passage from St. Basil is not quoted as an exception to the general current of the teaching of the Greek Fathers, who, as Bp. Pearson expresses it, "stuck more closely to the phrase and language of the Scriptures, saying that the spirit proceedeth from the Father." (Pearson On the Creed, Art. viii. where vide quotations) Vide also Thomasius, Christ. Dogm., i. 270, Namentlich auf letzere Bestimmung legten die griechischen Väter groszes Gewicht. Im Gegensatz gegen den macedonishchen Irrtum, der den Geist für ein Geschüpf des Sohnes ansah, führte man die Subsistenz desselben ebenso auf den Vater zuruck wie die des Sohnes. Man lehrte, , also der heilige Geist geht vom Vater aus, der Vater ist die a'rxh/ wie des Sohnes so auch des Geistes; aber mit der dem herkömmlichen Zuge des Dogma entsprechenden Näherbestimmung: nicht a'me/swj, sondern e'mme/swj, interventu filii geht der Geist vom Vater aus, also "durch den Sohn vom Vater." So die bedeutendsten Kirchenlehrer, während andere einfach bei der Formel stehen blieben; er gehe voin Vater aus.
395 Mal. i. 6.
396 John xvii. 4.
397 John xvi. 14.
398 Four mss. of the De S.S. read e'do/casa/ se, a variation not appearing in mss. of the Gospel.
399 John xii. 28.
400 Matt. xii. 31.
401 Mat. xi. 27, "o/'dei\j oi[de to\n pate/ra ei' mh\ o 9 Ui'o/j" substituted for "ou' de= to\n pate/ra ti\j e'pignw/skei ei' mh\ o 9 Uio/j."
402 1 Cor. xii. 3.
403 John iv. 24.
404 Ps. xxxvi. 9.
405 John i. 9. 
406 cf. note on p. 27 and the distinction between do/gma and kh/ougua in § 66. "The great objection which the Eastern Church makes to the Filioque, is, that it implies the existence of two a'rxai\ in the godhead; and if we believe in duo a#narxoi; we, in effect, believe in two Gods. The unity of the Godhead can only be maintained by acknowledging the Father to be the sole 0Aoxh= or phgh\ qeoth/toj, who from all eternity has communicated His own Godhead to His co-eternal and consubstantial Son and Spirit. this reasoning is generally true. But, as the doctrine of the Procession of the Spirit from the Father and the Son presupposes the eternal generation of the Son from the Father; it does not follow, that that doctrine impugns the Catholic belief in the Mi/a 0Arxh/." Bp. Harold Browne, Exp. xxxix Art., Note on Art v.
407 1 Cor. xv. 47.
408 1 Cor. xv. 46.
409 Phil. iv. 7.
410 John iv. 24.
411 Lam. iv. 20. Sic in A.V. and R.V., the reference being to Zedekiah. cf. Jer. xxxix. 5. The Vugate reads, "Spiritus oris nostri Christus Dominus," from the Greek of the LXX. quoted by St. Basil, "Pneu=ma prosw/pou h'mw=n xristo\j ku/rioj."
412 1 John i. 20.
413 Ps. cxliii. 10.
414 Ps. li. 10.
415 Ps. xcii. 15.
416 John xiv. 17; xv. 26; xvi. 13; 1 John v. 6.
417 2 Cor. iii. 8, 9.
418 John xiv. 16 para/klhton. cf. Note on p. 29.
419 Ps. li. 12, lxx. pneu=ma h'gemoniko/n. Vulg. spiritus principalis.
420 John xv. 26, etc.
421 Is. xi. 2.
422 Job xxxiii. 4.
423 Ex. xxxi. 3, LXX. 
424 cf. Ps. xxxiii. 6.
425 1 Cor. vi. 11 R.V.
426 Gal. iv. 6.
427 Ps. civ. 30.
428 2 Cor. v. 17.
429 Acts x. 20.
430 Acts xiii. 2.
431 Isa. xlviii. 16. Mr. C. F. Johnston remarks: "In Isaiah xlviii. 16. St. Didymus, as translated by St. Jerome, gives Spiritum suum. The Targum has the same. St. Ambrose writes: 'Quis est qui dicit; misit me Dominus Deus et Spiritus Ejus; nisi Qui venit a Patre, ut salvos faceret peccatores? Quem ut audis, et Spiritus mist; ne cum legis quia Filius Spiritum mittit, inferioris esse Spiritum crederes potestatis,' (De Sp. S. iii. 1, § 7.) The passage is quoted by St. Athanasius, St. Basil, St. Cyril Hieros., and, as far as the editor is aware, without any comment which would help to determine their way of understanding the case of to/ pneuma; but Origen, on the words 'Whosoever shall humble himself as this little child' (Comm. in Evang., Matt. xiii. 18) says, - quoting the original, which may be rendered, "'humbling himself as this little child is imitating the Holy Spirit, who humbled Himself for men's salvation. That the Saviour and the Holy Ghost were sent by the Father for the salvation of men is made plain by Isaiah saying, in the person of the Saviour, 'the Lord sent me, and His Spirit.' It must be observed, however, that the phrase is ambiguous, for either God sent and the Holy Ghost also sent, the Saviour; or, as I understand, the Father sent both, the Saviour and the Holy Ghost.'" The Vulgate and Beza both render "Spiritus." The order of the Hebrew is in favour of the nominative, as in the Vulgate and lxx. cf. Note A on Chap. xliviii. of Isaiah n the Speaker's Commentary.
432 Is. lxii. 14, LXX.
433 Ps. lxxvii. 20.
434 Ps. lxxx. 1.
435 Ps. lxxviii. 53.
436 John xvi. 13. cf. xiv. 26.
437 Rom. viii. 26; 27.
438 Rom viii. 34.
439 Eph. iv. 30.
440 Acts vii 51.
441 Is. lxiii. 10.
442 Ps. cvi. 32; Micah ii. 7. 
443 John xv. 15.
444 1 Cor. ii. 11.
445 ta/ th=j qeologi/aj do/gmata. cf. note on § 66.
446 cf. Gen. ix. 25.
447 Gen. xxvii. 29.
448 Gen. ix. 25.
449 Mal. i. 6.
450 Mal. i. 6.
451 Ps. cxix. 91.
452 St. Basil's view of slavery is that (a) as regards our relation to God, all created beings are naturally in a condition of subservience to the Creator; (b) as regards our relationship to one another, slaver is not of nature, but of convention and circumstance. How far he is here at variance with the well known account of slavery given by Aristotle in the first book of the Politics will depend upon the interpretation we put upon the word "nature." "Is there," asks Aristotle, "any one intended by nature to be a slave, and for whom such a condition is expedient and right, or rather is not all slavery a violation of nature? There is no difficulty in answering this question, on grounds both of reason and fact. For that some should rule, and others be ruled, is a thing not only necessary, but expedient; from the hour of their birth some are marked out for subjection, others for rule. . . . Where, then, there is such a difference as that between soul and body, or between men and animals (as in the case of those whose business it is to use their body, and who can do nothing better), the lower sort are by nature slaves, and it is better for them, as for all inferiors, that they should be under the rule of a master. . . . It is clear, then, that some men are by nature free and others slaves, and that for these latter slavery is both expedient and right." Politics, Bk. 1, Sec. 5. Here by Nature seems to be meant something like Basil's "lack of intelligence," and of the to\ kata\ qu/sin a!rxon, which makes it "profitable" for one man to be the chattel of another (kth=ma is livestock, especially mancipium. cf. Shakspere's K. and Pet., "She is my goods, my chattels." "Chattel" is a doublet of "cattle"). St. Basil and Aristotle are at one as to the advantage to the weak slave of his having a powerful protector; and this, no doubt, is the point of view from which slavery can be best apologized for.
Christianity did indeed do much to better the condition of the slave by asserting his spiritual freedom, but at first it did little more than emphasize the latter philosophy of heathendom, ei' sw=ma dou=lon, a'll0 o 9 nou=j e'leu/qeroj (Soph., frag. incert. xxii.), and gave the highest meaning to such thoughts as those expressed in the late Epigram of Damascius (c. 530) on a dead slave:
Zwsi/mh h 9 pri\n e'ou=sa mo/nw tw= sw/mati dou/lh,
Kai\ tw= sw/mati nu=n eu[ren eleuqeri/hn.
It is thought less of a slave's servitude to fellow man than of the slavery of bond and free alike to evil. cf. Aug., De Civit. Dei. iv. cap. iii. "Bonus etiamsi serviat liber est: malus autem si regnat servus est: nec est unius hominis, sed qod gravins est tot dominorum quot vitiorum." Chrysostom even explains St. Paul's non-condemnation of slavery on the ground that its existence, with that of Christian liberty, was a greater moral triumph than its abolition. (In Genes. Serm. v. 1.) Even so late as the sixth century the legislation of Justinian, though protective, supposed no natural liberty. "Expedit enim respublicae ne quis re sua utatur male." Instit. i. viii. quoted by Milman, Lat. Christ. ii. 14. We must not therefore be surprised at not finding in a Father of the fourth century an anticipation of a later development of Christian sentiment. At the same time it was in the age of St. Basil that "the language of the Fathers assumes a bolder tone" (cf, Dict. Christ. Ant. ii. 1905) and "in the correspondence of Gregory Nazianzen we find him referring to a case where a slave had been made bishop over a small community in the desert. The Christian lady to whom he belonged endeavoured to assert her right of ownership, for which she was severely rebuked by St. Basil (cf. Letter CXV.) After St. Basil's death she again claimed the slave, whereupon Gregory addressed her a letter of grave remonstrance at her unchristian desire to recall his brother bishop from his sphere of duty. Ep. 79," id. 
453 II Thess. iii. 5. A note of the Benedictine Editors on this passage says: "It must be admitted that these words are not found in the sacred text and are wanting in three manuscripts of this work. Moreover, in the Regius Quintus they are only inserted by a second hand, but since they are shortly afterwards repeated by Basil, as though taken from the sacred context, I am unwilling to delete them, and it is more probable that they were withdrawn from the manuscripts from which they are wanting because they were not found in the apostle, then added, without any reason at all, to the manuscripts in which they occur."
454 1 Thess. iii. 12, 13.
455 2 Cor. iii. 17, 18, R.V. In Adv. Eunom. iii. 3 St. Basil had quoted v. 17 of the Son, making pneu=maa descriptive of our Lord. "This was written," adds Mr. C. F. H. Johnston, "during St. Basil's presbyterate, at least ten years earlier."
456 2 Cor. iii. 14, 16, 17. 
457 cf. 2 Cor. iii. 18.
458 St. Basil gives a'po/eign the sense of "by" So Theodoret, Oecum., Theophylact, Bengel. cf. Alford in loc. The German is able to repeat the prep., as in Greek and Latin, "von einer Klarheit zu der andern, als vom Herrn."
459 a'po/.
460 1 Cor. iii. 16.
461 2 Tim. iii. 16.
462 pro\j qewri/an duse/fikton. The Benedictine Latin is "incomprehensibilis," but this is rather a'kata/lhptoj. The "incomprehensible" of the Ath. Creed is "immensus."
463 John xvii. 25.
464 e'pi/khroj. The force of the word as applied to this life is illustrated by the 61st Epigram of Callimachus:
Ti/j ce/noj, w\ nauhge/; Deo/ntixoj e'nqa/de nekro\n
eu[re/ e'p0 ai'gialoi=j, xw=se de\ tw=de ta/fw
dakru/saj e'pi/khron eo\n bi/on . ou'de\ ga\r auto\j
h!suxoj, ai'qui/hj d0 i\sa qalassoporei=.
465 John xiv. 19.
466 epiblepontaj, the reading of the Viennese ms. vulgo i'pitre/pontaj.
467 mo/noij o'fqalmoi=j.
468 John xiv. 17.
469 a'gu\mnaston e!xwn to\n nou=n. cf. Heb. v. 14.
470 tw= fronh/mati th=j sarko/j. cf. Rom. viii. 6 to\ ga\r fro/nhma th=j sarko\j qa/natoj.
471 John xv. 3.
472 John xiv. 17.
473 Is. xlii. 5, LXX. patou=sin au'thn. So St. Basil's argument requires us to translate the lxx. The "walk therein" of A.V. would not bear out his meaning. For this use of fpatei/. cf. Soph., Ant. 745. ou' ga\r se/beij tima/j ge ta\j qew=n patw=n. So in the vulgate we read "et spiritum clacantibus eam." - calcare bearing the sense of "trample on," as in Juvenal, Sat. x 86, "calcemus Caesaris hostem." The Hebrew bears no such meaning.
474 Here the Benedictine Editors begin Chapter xxiii., remarking that they do so "cum plures mss. codices. tum ipsam sermonis seriem et continuationem secuti. Liquet enim hic Basilium ad aliud argumentum transire." Another division of the text makes Chapter XXIII. begin with the words "But I do not mean by glory." 
475 Acts x. 3.
476 Acts viii. 26.
477 Bel and the Dragon 34.
478 Jer. xx. 2, LXX. ei'j to\n katar'r 9a/ktrn o 9j h'n e'n pu/lh. Katar'r 9a/kthj tw=n pulwn occurs in Dion. Halic. viii 67, in the same sense as the Latin cataracta (Livy xxvii. 27) a portcullis. The Vulgate has in nervum, which may either be gyve or gaol. The Hebrew=stocks, as in A.V. and R.V. katar'r 9a/kthj in the text of Basil and the lxx. may be assumed to mean prison, form the notion of the barred grating over the door. cf. Ducange s.v. cataracta.
479 Ez. i. 1.
480 Wis. i. 7.
481 Ps. xxxix. 7.
482 Hag. ii. 4, 5.
483 Ps. viii. 5.
484 Rom. ii. 10.
485 Rom ix. 4.
486 Ps. xxix. 12.
487 Ps. lvii. 8.
488 cf. 1 Cor. xv. 41.
489 2 Cor. iii. 9.
490 2 Cor. iii. 8.
491 cf. Ps. xxi. 5.
492 cf. Ps. xv.
493 cf. Matt. xxviii. 19; 1 Cor. xii. 11; Rom. viii 11; 1 Pet. i. 2.
494 Matt. x. 19, 20.
495 2 Cor. iii. 17. 
496 Mr. C. F. H. Johnston conjectures the allusion to be to Hom. xxiv. "Contra Sabellianos et Arium et Anomoeos."
497 1 Cor. ii. 10, 11.
498 In 1 Tim. vi. 13, St. Paul writes tou= qeou= tou= zwopoiou=ntoj pa/nta. In the text St. Basil writes ta\ pa/nta zwogonou=ntoj. The latter word is properly distinguished from the former as meaning not to make alive after death, but to engender alive. In Luke xvii. 33, it is rendered in A.V. "preserve." In Acts vii. 19, it is "to the end they might not live." On the meaning of zwogonei=n in the lxx. and the Socinian arguments based on its use in Luke xvii. 33, cf. Pearson, On the Creed, Art. V. note to p. 257 Ed. 1676.
499 Rom. viii. 11.
500 John x. 27-28.
501 2 Cor. iii. 6.
502 Rom. viii. 10.
503 John vi. 63.
504 cf. Heb. vi. 4.
505 Rom. vii. 2.
506 Acts i. 8.
507 Rom. viii. 32.
508 1 Cor. ii. 12.
509 Gal. iv. 6.
510 Ps. lxvi. 13. LXX.
511 Ps. cv. 37.
512 Ps. xliv. 9.
513 
514 In Eph. ii. 18 they are combined, but no Scriptural doxology uses e'n of the Spirit.
515 1 Thess. i. 1.
516 Matt. xxviii. 19.
517 2 Cor. xiii. 13.
518 Rom. xv. 30.
519 "St. Basil's statement of the reason of the use of meta/ su/n, in the Doxology, is not confirmed by any earlier or contemporary writer, as far as the editor is aware, nor is it contradicted." Rev. C. F. H. Johnston.
520 "Sabellius has been usually assigned to the middle of third century, Mr. Clinton giving a.d. 256-270 as his active period. The discovery of the Philosophumena of Hippolytus has proved this to be a mistake, and thrown his period back to the close of the second and beginning of the third century. . . . He was in full activity in Rome during the Episcopate of Zephyrinus, a.d. 198-217." Professor Stokes in D.C. Biog. iv. 569. For Basil's views of Sabellianism vide Epp. CCX., CCXIV., CCXXXV. In his Haer. Fab. Conf. ii. 9 Theodoret writes: "Sabellius said that Father, Son, and Holy Ghost were one Hypostasis; one Person under three names; and he describes the same now as Father, now as Son, now as Holy Ghost. He says that in the old Testament He gave laws as Father, was incarnate in the new as Son, and visited the Apostles as Holy Ghost." So in the Ekqesij th=j kata\ me/roj pi/stewj, a work falsely attributed to Gregory Thaumaturgus, and possibly due to Apollinaris, (cf. Theod., Dial. iii.) "We shun Sabellius, who says that Father and Son are the same, calling Him who speaks Father, and the Word, remaining in the Father and at the time of creation manifested, and, on the completion of things returning to the Father, Son. He says the same of the Holy Ghost."
521 Apparently an inexact reference to John xiv. 23.
522 John x. 30.
523 i.e., The Arians, who said of the Son, "There was when he was not;" and the Pneumatomachi, who made the Spirit a created being. 
524 Matt. xxviii. 19.
525 cf. Note on Chap I. p. 4. In the Aristotelian philosophy, ei\doj, or Forma, is the to\ ti/ h\n ei\n ei\nai, the essence or formal cause. cf. Ar., Met. vi. 7, 4. Du/namij, or Potentia, is potential action or existence, as opposed to e'ne/rgeio, actus, actual action or existence, or e'ntele/xeia. cf. Ar., Met., viii. 3, 9, and viii. 8, 11. Sir W. Hamilton, Metaph. I. 178-180.
526 Rom. viii. 12.
527 Rom. viii. 14.
528 Rom viii. 29.
529 Eph. i. 17, 18.
530 en a!lloij tisi duna/mewn e'nergh/masi. The Benedictine translation is in aliis miraculorum operationious." It is of course quite true that du/namij is one of the four words used in the New Testament for miracle, and often has that sense, but here the context suggest the antithesis between potential and actual operation, and moreover non-miraculous. e'ne/rghma is an uncommon word, meaning the work wrought by e'ne/pgeia or operation.
531 1 Sam. xvi. 14.
532 Numb. xi. 25, 26, LXX. and R.V. "did so no more" for "did not cease" of A.V.
533 The distinction between the lo/goj e'/dia/qetoj, thought, and the logoj porforiko/j, speech, appears first in Philo. II. 154. On the use of the term in Catholic Theology cf. Dr. Robertson's note on Ath., De Syn. § xxvi. p. 463 of the Ed. in this series. Also, Dorner, Div. I. i. p. 338, note.
534 Rom. viii. 16.
535 Gal. vi. 4.
536 Matt. x. 20.
537 Rom. xii. 5, 6.
538 1 Cor. xii. 21. 
539 1 Cor. xii. 18, slightly varied in order.
540 1 Cor. xii. 25.
541 1 Cor. xii. 26.
542 An inversion of 1 Cor. xii. 13.
543 Ex. xxxiii. 21, Lxx.
544 Deut. xii. 13, 14.
545 Ps. l. 14, LXX.
546 John iv. 23. With this interpretation, cf. Athan., Epist. i. Ad Serap. § 33, "Hence it is shewn that the Truth is the Son Himself. . . for they worship the Father, but in Spirit and in Truth, confessing the Son and the Spirit in him; for the Spirit is inseparable from the Son as the Son is inseparable from the Father."
547 Gen. xxviii. 16.
548 1 Cor. vi. 19.
549 2 Cor. ii. 17.
550 2 Cor. xiii. 3.
551 1 Cor. xiv. 2.
552 1 Peter i. 11.
553 e'n to =j genhtoi=j, as in the Bodleian ms. The Benedictine text adopts the common reading gennhtoij, with the note, "Sed discrimen illud parvi momenti." If St. Basil wrote gennhtoi=j, he used it in the looser sense of mortal: in its strict sense of "begotten" it would be singularly out of place here, as the antithesis of the reference to the Son, who is gennhto/j, would be spoilt. In the terminology of theology, so far from being "parvi momenti," the distinction is vital. In the earlier Greek philosophy a'ge/nhtoj and a'ge/nnhtoj are both used as nearly synonymous to express unoriginate eternal. cf. Plat., Phaed. D., a'rxh\ de\ a'ge/nhto/n, with Plat, Tim. 52 A., Toutwn de\ ou!twj e'xo/ntwn o 9mologhte/on e$n me\n ei\nai to kata\ tau'ta\ ei\doj e!xon a'ge/nnhton kai\ a'nw/leqron. And the earliest patristic use similarly meant by gennhto/j and a'ge/nnhtoj created and uncreated, as in Ign., Ad Eph. vii., where our Lord is called gennhto\j kai\ a'ge/nnhtoj. e'n a'ndr o/pw Qeo\j, e'n qana/tw zwh= a'lhqinh/. cf. Bp. Lightfoot's note. But "such language is not in accordance with later theological definitions, which carefully distinguished between genhto/j and gennhto/j. between a'ge/nhtoj and a'ge/nnhtoj; so that genhto/j, a'ge/nhtoj, respectively denied and affirmed the eternal existence, being equivalent to ktisto/j, a!ktistoj, , while gennhto/j, a'ge/nnhtoj described certain ontological relations, whether in time or in eternity. In the later theological language, therefore, the Son was gennrto/j even in His Godhead. See esp. Joann. Damasc., De Fid. Orth. I. 8 (I. p. 135, Lequin), xrh\ ga\r ei/de/nai o!ti to\ a'ge/nhton, dia\ tou= e 9no\j n grafo/menon, to\ a!ktiston h! to\ mh\ geno/menon shmai/nei, to\ de\ a'ge/nnhton, dia\ tw=n du/o nn grafomenon, dhloi= to\ mh\ gennhqe/n; whence he draws the conclusion that mo/noj o 9 path\o a'ge/nnhtoj and mo/noj o 9 ui'o\j gennhto/j." Bp. Lightfoot, Ap. Fathers, Pt. II. Vol. II. p. 90, where the history of the worlds is exhaustively discussed. At the time of the Arian controversy the Catholic disputants were chary of employing these terms, because of the base uses to which their opponents put them; so St. Basil, Contra Eunom. iv. protests against the Arian argument ei/ a'ge/nnhtoj o' path\r gennhto\j de\ o' ui/oj, ou'siaj.
cf. Ath., De Syn. in this series, p. 475, and De Decretis., on Newman's confusion of the terms, p. 149 and 169.
554 Heb. i. 1.
555 sumfuh/j. 
556 cf. 2 Cor. iii. 5.
557 Heb. xiii. 15.
558 1 Cor. vii. 40.
559 2 Tim. I. 14.
560 Dan. iv. 8, lxx.
561 John iv. 24.
562 cf. note on § 15. So Athan. in Matt. xi. 22. Sfragi/j ga/r e'stin i'so/tupoj e'n e 9antw= delknu/j to\n pate/ra . cf. Athan., De Dec. § 20, and note 9 in this series, p. 163. cf. also Greg. Nyss., In Eunom. ii. 12.
563 The genuineness of this latter portion of the Treatise was objected to by Erasmus on the ground that the style is unlike that of Basil's soberer writings. Bp. Jeremy Taylor follows Erasmus (Vol. vi. ed. 1852, p. 427). It was vindicated by Casaubon, who recalls St. John Damascene's quotation of the Thirty Chapters to Amphilochius. Mr. C. F. H. Johnston remarks, "The later discovery of the Syriac Paraphrases of the whole book pushes back this argument to about one hundred years from the date of St. Basil's writing. The peculiar care taken by St. Basil for the writing out of the treatise, and for its safe arrival in Amphilochius' hands, and the value set upon it by the friends of both, make the forgery of half the present book, and the substitution of it for the original within that period, almost incredible." Section 66 is quoted as an authoritative statement on the right use of Tradition "as a guide to the right understanding of Holy Scripture, for the right ministration of the Sacraments, and the preservation of sacred rights and ceremonies in the purity of their original institution," in Philaret's Longer Catechism of the Eastern Church.
St. Basil is, however, strong on the supremacy of Holy Scripture, as in the passages quoted in Bp. H. Browne, On the xxxix Articles: "Believe those things which are written; the things which are not written seek not." (Hom. xxix. adv. Calum. S. Trin.) "It is a manifest defection from the faith, and a proof of arrogance, either to reject anything of what is written, or to introduce anything that is not." (De Fide. i.) cf. also Letters CV. and CLIX. On the right use of Tradition cf. Hooker, Ecc. Pol. lxv. 2, "Lest, therefore, the name of tradition should be offensive to any, considering how far by some it hath been and is abused, we mean by traditions ordinances made in the prime of Christian Religion, established with that authority which Christ hath left to His Church for matters indifferent, and in that consideration requisite to be observed, till like authority see just and reasonable causes to alter them. So that traditions ecclesiastical are not rudely and in gross to be shaken off, because the inventors of them were men."
cf. Tert., De Praes . 36, 20, 21, "Constat omnem doctrinam quae cum illis eccleiis apostolicis matricibus et originalibus fedei conspiret veritai deputandam, id sine dubio tenentem quod ecclesiae ab apostolis, apostoli a Christo, Christus a Deo accepit ." Vide Thomasius, Christ. Dogm. I. 105. 
564 tw/n e'n th= Ekklhsi/a pefnlagme/nwn donma/twn kai\ khrugma/twn." To give the apparent meaning of the original seems impossible except by some such paraphrase as the above. In Scripture do/gma, which occurs five times (Luke ii. 1, Acts xvi. 4, xvii. 7, Eph. ii. 15, and Col. ii 14), always has its proper sense of decree or ordinances. cf. Bp. Lightfoot, on Col. ii. 14, and his contention that the Greek Fathers generally have mistaken the force of the passage in understanding do/gmata in both Col. and Eph. to mean the doctrines and precepts of the Gospel. Kh/rugma occurs eight times (Matt. xii. 41, Luke xi. 32, Rom. xvi. 25, 1 Cor. i. 21, ii. 4, xv. 14, 2 Tim iv. 17, and Tit. i. 3), always in the sense of preaching or proclamation.
"The later Christian sense of do/gma, meaning doctrine, came from its secondary classical use, where it was applied to the authoritative and categorical 'sentences' of the philosophers: cf. Just. Mart., Apol. i. 7. oi/ e'!/ Ellhsi tu\ au'toi=j a'restu\oogmati/sa/tej e'k panto/j tw= eni\ ono/mati filosof aj prosagoreu/onta, kai/per tu.n dogma/twn e'nanti/wn o!ntwn." [All the sects in general among the Greeks are known by the common name of philosophy, through their doctrines are different.] Cic., Acad. ii. 19. 'De suis decretis quae philosophi vocant dogmata.' . . . There is an approach towards the ecclesiastical meaning in Ignat., Mag. 13, bebaiwdh=sai e'n toi=j do/gmasi tou= kuri/ou kai\ tw=n apostolwn." Bp. Lightfoot in Col. ii. 14. The "doctrines" of heretics are also called do/gmata, as in Basil, Ep. CCLXI. and Socr., E. H. iii. 10. cf. Bp. Bull, in Serm. 2, "The dogmata or tenets of the Sadducees." In Orig., c. Cels. iii. p. 135, Ed. Spencer, 1658, do/gma is used of the gospel or teaching of our Lord.
The special point about St. Basil's use of do/gmata is that he uses the word of doctrines and practices privately and tacitly sanctioned in the Church (like apo/rrhta, which is used of the esoteric doctrine of the Pythagoreans, Plat., Phaed. 62.B.), while he reserves khru/gmata for what is now often understood by do/gmata, i.e. "legitima synodo decreta." cf. Ep. LII., where he speaks of the great kh/rugma of the Fathers at Nicaea. In this he is supported by Eulogius, Patriarch of Alexandria, 579-607, of whom Photius (Cod. ccxxx. Migne Pat. Gr. ciii. p. 1027) writes, "In this work," i.e. Or. II. "he says that of the doctrines (didagma/twn) handed down in the church by the ministers of the word, some are do/gmata, and others khru/gmata. The distinction is that do/gmata are announced with concealment and prudence, and are often designedly compassed with obscurity, in order that holy things may not be exposed to profane persons nor pearls cast before swine. Khru/gmata, on the other hand, are announced without any concealment." So the Benedictine Editors speak of Origen (c. Cels. i. 7) as replying to Celsus, "praedicationem Christianorum toti orbi notiorem essquam placita philosophorum: sed tamen fatetur, ut opud philosophos, ita etiam apud Christianos nonulla esse veluti interiora, quae post exteriorem et propositam omnibus doctrinam tradantur." Of khru/gata they note, "Videntur hoc nomine designari leges ecclesiasticae et canonum decreta quae promulgari in ecclesia mos erat, ut neminem laterent." Mr. C. F. H. Johnston remarks: "The o 9uoou/sion, which many now-a-days would call the Nicene dogma (tu\ tou= o 9moonsi/on do/gmata, Soc., E.H. iii. 10) because it was put forth in the Council of Nicaea, was for that reason called not do/gma, but kh/rugma, by St. Basil, who would have said that it became the kh/ougma (definition) of that Council, because it had always been the do/gma of the Church."
In extra theological philosophy a dogma has all along meant a certainly expressed opinion whether formally decreed or not. So Shaftesbury, Misc. Ref. ii. 2, "He who is certain, or presumes to say he knows, is in that particular whether he be mistaken or in the right a dogmatist." cf. Littré S.V. for a similar use in French. In theology the modern Roman limitation of dogma to decreed doctrine is illustrated by the statement of Abbé Bérgier (Dict de Théol. Ed. 1844) of the Immaculate Conception of the Blessed Virgin. "Or, nous convenons que ce n'est pas un dogme de foi," because, thought a common opinion among Romanists, it had not been so asserted at the Council of Trent. Since the publication of Pius IX's Edict of 1854 it has become, to ultramontanists, a "dogma of faith."
565 1 Cor. ii. 7. Whether there is or is not here a conscious reference to St. Paul's words, there seems to be both in the text and in the passage cited an employment of musth/rion in its proper sense of a secret revealed to the initiated.
566 i.e. if nothing were of weight but what was written, what need of any authorisation at all? There is no need of khrugma for a do/gma expressly written in Scripture.
567 e'pi\ th= a'nadeicei. The Benedictine note is: "Non respicit Basilius ad ritum ostensionis Eucharistiae, ut multi existimarunt, sed potius ad verba Liturgiaeipsi ascriptae, cum petit sacerdos, ut veniat Spiritus sanctus a 9gia/sai kai a'nadei=cai to\n me\n a!rton tou=ton au'to\ to\ ti/mion sw=ma tou= kuri/ou. Haec autem verba e'pi\ th= a'/adeicei, sic reddit Erasmus, cum ostenditur. Vituperat eum Ducaeus; sicque ipse vertit, cum conficitur, atque hanc interpretationem multis exemplis confirmat. Videtur tamen nihil prorsus vitii habitura a haec interpretatio, Invocationis verba cum ostenditur panis Eucharistiae, id est, cum panis non jam panis est, sed panis Eucharistiae, sive corpus Christi ostenditur; et in liturgia, ut sanctitficet et ostendat hunc quidem panem, ipsum pretiosum corpus Domini. Nam io Cur eam vocem reformidemus, qua Latini uti non dubitant, ubi de Eucharistia ioquuntur? Quale est illud Cypriani in epistola 63 ad Caecilium: Vino Christi sanguis ostenditur. Sic etiam Tertullianus I. Marc. c. 14: Panem quo ipsum corpus suum repraesentat 20 Ut Graece a'nadei=cai, apofai/nein , ita etiam Latine, ostendere, corpus Christi praesens in Eucharistia significatione quadam modo exprimit. Hoc enim verbum non solum panem fieri corpus Domini significat, sed etiam fidem nostram excitat, ut illud corpus sub specie panis videndum, tegendum, adorandum astendi credamus. Quemadmodum Irenaeus, cum ait lib. iv. cap. 33: Accipiens panem suum corpus esse confitebatur, et temperamentum calicis suum sanguinem conformavit, non solum mutationem panis et vini in corpus et sanguinem Christi exprimit, sed ipsam etiam Christi asseverationem, quae hanc nobis mutationem persuadet; sic qui corpus Christi in Eucharistia ostendi et repraesentari dicunt, non modo jejuno et exiliter loqui non videntur, sed etiam acriores Christi praesentis adorandi stimulos subjicere. Poterat ergo retineri interpretatio Erasmi: sed quia viris eruditis displicuit, satius visum est quid sentirem in hac nota exponere."
This view of the meaning of a'nadei/knusqai and a1NA'DEICIj as being equivalent to poieisn and poi/hsij is borne out and illustrated by Suicer, S.V. "Ex his jam satis liquere arbitror a'uadeicai apud Basilium id esse quod alii Graei patres dicunt poiei=n vel a'pofai/nein sw=ma xristou=."
It is somewhat curious to find Bellarmine (De Sacr. Euch. iv. § 14) interpreting the prayer to God eu'logh=sai kai\ a 9lia/j I kai\ a'nadei=cai to mean "ostende per effectum salutarem in mentibus nostris istum panem salutificatum non esse panem vulgarem sed coelestem." 
568 For the unction of catechumens cf. Ap. Const. vii. 22; of the baptized, Tertullian, De Bapt. vii.; of the confirmed, id. viii.; of the sick vide Plumptre on St. James v. 14, in Cambridge Bible for Schools. cf. Letter clxxxviii.
569 For trine immersion an early authority is Tertullian, c. Praxeam xxvi. cf. Greg. Nyss., De Bapt. u#dati e 9autou\j e'gkru/promen . . . kai\ tri/ton tou=to poih/santej. Dict. Ch. Ant. i. 161.
570 cf. my note on Theodoret in this series, p. 112.
571 Heb. xi. 14, R.V.
572 Gen. ii. 8.
573 The earliest posture of prayer was standing, with the hands extended and raised towards heaven, and with the face turned to the East. cf. early art, and specially the figures of "oranti." Their rich dress indicates less their actual station in this life than the expected felicity of Paradise. Vide, Dict. Christ. Ant. ii. 1684.
574 "Stood again with" - sunanasta/ntej.
575 Col. iii. 1.
576 Gen. i. 5. Heb. LXX. Vulg. R.V. cf. p. 64.
577 Vide Titles to Pss. vi. and xii. in A.V. "upon Sheminith," marg. "the eighth." LXX u/pe\r th=j o'gdo/hj. Vulg. pro octava. On various explanations of the Hebrew word vide Dict Bib. S. V. where Dr. Aldis Wright inclines to the view that it is a tune or key, and that the Hebrews were not acquainted with the octave. 
578 1 Tim. iii. 16.
579 1 Cor. vi. 11.
580 1 Cor. v. 4.
581 Col ii. 13. 
582 cf. 2 Cor. v. 8.
583 cf. Phil. i. 23.
584 1 Cor. iii. 9.
585 cf. Col. i. 6.
586 Col. iii. 3, 4.
587 Rom. viii. 2.
588 Rom. viii. 17.
589 Rom. viii. 16, 17. In this passage A.V. follows the neuter of the Greek original. R.V. has substituted "himself." cf. note on p. 15.
590 cf. Gal. v. 5.
591 cf. Eph. ii. 6.
592 cf. Phil. iii. 21, and 1 Cor. xv. 44.
593 1 Thess. iv. 17.
594 Rom. viii. 17
595 Rom. i. 4.
596 2 Tim. ii. 12.
597 Heb. x. 29.
598 cf. Verg., Aen. ii. Quis talia fando . . . temperet a lacrymis?
599 Rom. viii. 26.
600 Phil. iv. 7.
601 i.e. of Jesus the Son of Sirach, or Ecclus. xliii. 30.
602 Luke xii. 10. 
603 1 Cor. xi. 2.
604 2 Thess. ii. 15.
605 Deut. xix. 15.
606 Job viii. 9.
607 i.e. Dianius, bp. of the Cappadocian Caesarea, who baptized St. Basil c. 357 on his return from Athens, and ordained him Reader. He was a waverer, and signed the creed of Ariminum in 359; Basil consequently left him, but speaks reverentially of him in Ep. 51.
608 _ c. 200.
609 _ 100.
610 _ 260.
611 Dionysius was Patriarch of Alexandria a.d. 247-265. Basil's "strange to say" is of a piece with the view of Dionysius' heretical tendencies expressed in Letter ix. q.v. Athanasius, however, (De Sent. Dionysii) was satisfied as to the orthodoxy of his predecessor. Bp. Westcott (Dict. C. Biog. I. 851) quotes Lumper (Hist. Pat. xii. 86) as supposing that Basil's charge against Dionysius of sowing the seeds of the Anomoean heresy was due to imperfect acquaintance with his writings. In Letter clxxxviii. Basil calls him "the Great." which implies general approval.
612 Clem. Rom., Ep. ad Cor. lviii. Bp. Lightfoot's . Fathers, Pt. I. ii. 169.
613 Irenaeus is near he Apostles in close connexion, as well as in time, through his personal knowledge of Polycarp. Vide his Ep. to Florinus quoted in Euseb., Ecc. Hist. v. 20. In his work On the Ogdoad, quoted in the same chapter, Irenaeus says of himself that he th/n pswth\n tw=n 0 Apostolw=n kateilhfe/nai thn diadoxh/n "had himself had the nearest succession of the Apostles."
614 The reference is presumably to 1 Cor. ii. 11 and iii. 1.
615 i.e. Eusebius of Caesarea, the historian, so called to distinguish him from his namesake of Nicomedia. cf. Theodoret, Ecc. Hist. I. 1. The work is not extant. It may be that mentioned by Eusebius in his Praep. Evang. vii. 8, 20 under the title of peri\ th=j tw=n palaiw=n a'ndrw=n polupaidi/aj. 
616 The quotation is from the Eighth Book.
617 cf. 1 Pet. iii. 21.
618 AS to Origen's unorthodoxy concerning the Holy Spirit St. Basil may have had in his mind such a passage as the following from the First Book of the De Principiis, extant in the original in Justinian, Ep. ad Mennam. Minge, Pat. Gr. xi. p. 150. o!ti o 9 me\n qeo\j kai\path=r sune/xwn ta\ pa/nta fqa/nei eij ekaston tw=n o!ntwn metadidou\j e 9ka/stw a'po\ ton= i'di/on to\ ei\nai : w$n ga\r e!stin : e'la/ttwn de\ para to\n pate/ra o 9 Ui 9o\j fqa/nei e'pi\ mo/na ta\ logika/. den/teroj la/r e'sti tou= patro/j: e!ti de= h 9neu=ma to\ a!lio/ e'pi\ mo/nouj ton= a 9gi/ouj di iknou=menon. w!ste kata\ tou=to meizwn h\ du/namij tou= Patro\j para\ to\n Uio\n kai\ to\ pneu=ma to\ a!gion plei/wn de\ h 9 tou= Ui 9ou= papa= to\ pneu=ma to\ a!gion. The work does not even exist as a whole in the translation of Rufinus, who omitted portions, and St. Jerome thought that Rufinus had misrepresented it. Photius (Biblioth. cod. viii.) says that Origen, in asserting in this work that the Son was made by the Father and the Spirit by the Son, is most blashemous. Bp. Harold Browne, however (position of the xxxix. Art. p. 113, n. 1), is of opinion that if Rufinus fairly translated the following passage, Origen cannot have been fairly charged with heresy concerning the Holy Ghost: "Ne quis sane existimet nos ex co quod diximus Spiritum sanctum solis sanctis praestari. Patris vero et Filii beneficia vel inoperationes pervenire ad bonos et malos, justos et injustos, proetulisse per hoc Patri et Filio Spiritum Sanctum, vel majorem ejus per hoc asserere dignitatem; quod utique valde inconsequens est. Proprietatem namque gratiae ejus operisque descipsimus. Porro autem nihil in Trinitate majus minusve dicendum est, quum unius Divinitatis Fons verbo ac ratione sua teneat universa, spiritu vero oris sui quae digna sunt, sanctificatione sanctificet, sicut in Psalmo scriptum est verbo domini coeli firmati sunt et spiritu oris ejus omnis virtus eorum." De Princ. I. iii. 7.
On the obligations of both Basil and Gregory of Nazianzus to Origen, cf. Socrates iv. 26.
619 Of the chief writings of Julius Africanus (called Sextus Africanus by Suidas), who wrote at Emmaus and Alexandria c. 220, only fragments remain. A Letter to Origen is complete. His principal work was a Chronicon from the Creation to a.d. 221, in Five Books. Of this Dr. Salmon (D.C.B. I 56) thinks the doxology quoted by Basil was the conclusion.
620 Ps. cxli. was called o 9 e\pilu/xnioj yalmo/j (Ap. Const. viii. 35). In the Vespers of the Eastern Church an evening hymn is sung, translated in D.C.A. I. 634, "Joyful Light of the holy glory of the immortal Father, the heavenly the holy, the blessed Jesus Christ, we having come to the setting of the sun and beholding the evening light, praise God, Father, Son, and Holy Ghost. It is meet at all times that thou shouldest be hymned with auspicious voices, Son of God, Giver of Life: wherefore the world glorifieth thee."
621 Identified by some with two early hymns, Do/ca e'n u 9yi/stoij, and fwj i 9laro/n.
622 The mss. vary between e'cith/rion and a'lecith/rion, farewell gift and amulet or charm. In Ep. cciii. 229 Basil says that our Lord gave His disciples peace as an e'cith/rion dw=ron, using the word, but in conjunction with dw=ron. Greg. Naz., Orat. xiv. 223 speaks of our Lord leaving peace "w!sper a!llo ti e''cith/pion."
623 i.e. Gregory, bishop of Neocaesarea, known as Gregorius Thaumaturgus, or Gregory the Wonder-worker. To the modern reader "Gregory the Great" more naturally suggest Gregory of Nazianzus, but this he hardly was to his friend and contemporary, though the title had accrued to him by the time of the accepted Ephesine Council in 431 (videLabbe, vol. iv. p. 1192) Gregory the Wonder-worker, _ c. 270. 
624 2 Cor. xii. 18.
625 Rom. i. 5.
626 e.g. according to the legend, the Lycus. cf. Newman, Essays o Miracles, p. 267.
627 The story is told by Gregory of Nyssa, Life ofGreg. Thaum. Migne xliv. 926-930.
628 The Neocaesareans appear to have entertained a Puritan objection to the antiphonal psalmody becoming general in the Church in the time of Basil. cf. Ep. ccvii.
629 Firmilian, like Gregory the Wonder-worker, a pupil of Origen, was bishop of Caesarea from before a.d. 232 (Euseb. vi. 26) to 272 (Euseb. vii. 30). By some his death at Tarsus is placed in 265 or 5.
630 cf. Matt. xii. 31. 
631 Matt. xxviii. 19.
632 The Benedictine version for ta\j tima=j tou= kuri/on is honorem quem Dominus tribuit Spiritui. The reading of one ms. is ta=j fwna/j. There is authority for either sense of the genitive with timh/, i.e. the houours due to the Lord or paid by the Lord.
633 cf. Col. iii. 15.
634 2 Cor. I. 9.
635 Eccl. iii. 7.
636 i.e. after the condemnation of Arius at Nicaea/
637 In Ep. ccxlii. written in 376, St. Basil says: "This is the thirteenth year since the outbreak of the war of heretics against us." 363 is the date of the Acacian Council of Antioch; 364 of the accession of Valens and Valentian, of the Semi-Arian Synod of Lampsacus, and of St. Basil's ordination to the priesthood and book against Eunomius. On the propagation by scission and innumerable subdivisions of Arianism Cannon Bright writes:
The extraordinary versatility, the argumentative subtlety, and the too frequent profanity of Arianism are matters of which a few lines can give no idea. But it is necessary , in even the briefest notice of this long-lived heresy, to remark on the contrast between its changeable inventiveness and the simple steadfastness of Catholic doctrine. On the one side, some twenty different creeds (of which several, however, were rather negatively than positively heterodox) and three main sects, the Semi-Arians, with their formula of Homoiousion, i.e. the Son is like in essence to the Father; the Acacians, vaguely calling Him like (Homoion); the Aetians, boldly calling Him unlike, as much as to say He is in no sense Divine. On the other side, the Church with the Nicene Creed, confessing Him as Homoousion, 'of one essence with the Father,' meaning thereby, as her great champion repeatedly bore witness, to secure belief in the reality of the Divine Sonship, and therefore in the real Deity, as distinguished from the titular deity which was so freely conceded to Him by the Arians." Cannon Bright, St. Leo on the Incarnation, p. 140
Socrates (ii. 41), pausing at 360, enumerates, after Nicaea:
1. 1st of Antioch
omitted the o 9mooou\sion, a.d. 341)
2. 2d of Antioch
3. The Creed brought to Constans in Gaul by Narcissus and other Arians in 342.
4. The Creed "sent by Eudoxius of Germanicia into Italy," i.e. the "Macrostich," or "Lengthy Creed," rejected at Milan in 346.
5. The 1st Creed of Sirmium; i.e. the Macrostich with 26 additional clauses, 351.
6. The 2d Sirmian Creed. The "manifesto;" called by Athanasius (De Synod. 28) "the blasphemy," 357.
7. The 3d Sirmian, or "dated Creed," in the consulship of Flavius Eusebius and Hypatius, May 22d, 359.
8. The Acacian Creed of Seleucia, 359.
9. The Creed of Ariminum adopted at Constantinople, as revised at Nike. 
638 On the authority of the ms. of the tenth century at Paris, called by the Ben. Editors Regius Secundus, they read for pneu/matoj pa/qonj, denying pneumatoj to be consistent with the style and practice of Basil, who they say, never uses the epithet swth/oioj of the Spirit. Mr. C. F. H. Johnston notes that St. Basil "always attributes the saving efficacy of Baptism to the presence of the Spirit, and here applies the word to Him." In § 35, we have to\ awth/rion ba/ppisua.
639 1 Tim. I. 19.
640 1 Cor. ii. 6.
641 Among the bishops exiled during the persecution of Valens were Meletius of Antioch. Eusebius of Samosata, Pelagius of Laodicea, and Barses of Edessa. cf. Theodoret, st. Ecc. iv. 12 sq. cf. Ep. 195.
642 The identification of an unsound Monarchianism with Judaism is illustrated in the 1st Apology of Justin Martyr e.g. in § lxxxiii. (Reeves' Trans.). "The Jews, therefore, for maintaining that it was the Father of the Universe who had the conference with Moses, when it was the very Son of God who had it, and who is styled both Angel and Apostle, are justly accused by the prophetic spirit and Christ Himself, for knowing neither the Father nor the Son; for they who affirm the Son to be the Father are guilty of not knowing the Father, and likewise of being ignorant that the Father of the Universe has a Son, who, being the Logos and First-begotten of God, is God."
643 i.e. the Arians, whose various ramifications all originated in a probably well-meant attempt to reconcile the principles of Christianity with what was best in the old philosophy, and a failure to see that the ditheism of Arianism was of a piece with polytheism.
644 The word spoudarxi/dhj is a comic patronymic of spouda/rxhj, a place-hunter, occurring in the Archarnians of Aristophanes, 595.
645 oi'konomi/a. 
646 a'narxi/a a'po\ filarxi/aj.
647 Eccl. ix. 17.
648 Amos v. 13.
649 Ezek. xxiii. 5.
650 Matt. xxiv. 12.
651 Rom. xiv. 1.
652 1 Cor. xiii. 5.
653 Dan. iii. 12 seqq.
654 cf. Rufinus ii. 9.